Opposition Voice

Opposition Voice

Sunday, March 15, 2015

AL MARIAM'S COMMENTARIES DEFEND HUMAN RIGHTS, SPEAK TRUTH TO POWER



al mariam

al mariam
Location
San Bernardino, California, U.S.A.
Birthday
January 18
Title
Professor
Company
California State University, San Bernardino
Bio
Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino. His teaching areas include American constitutional law, civil rights law, judicial process, American and California state governments, and African politics. He has published two volumes on American constitutional law, including American Constitutional Law: Structures and Process (1994) and American Constitutional Law: Civil Liberties and Civil Rights (1998). He is the Senior Editor of the International Journal of Ethiopian Studies, a leading scholarly journal on Ethiopia. For the last several years, Prof. Mariam has written weekly web commentaries on Ethiopian human rights and African issues that are widely read online. He played a central advocacy role in the passage of H.R. 2003 (Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act of 2007) in the House of Representatives in 2007. Prof. Mariam practices in the areas of criminal defense and civil litigation. In 1998, he argued a major case in the California Supreme Court involving the right against self-incrimination in People v. Peevy, 17 Cal. 4th 1184, which helped clarify longstanding Miranda rights issues in criminal procedure in California. For several years, Prof. Mariam had a weekly public channel public affairs television show in Southern California called “In the Public Interest”. Prof. Mariam received his Ph.D. from the University of Minnesota in 1984, and his J.D. from the University of Maryland in 1988.

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MARCH 8, 2015 10:01PM

The Poison of Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia's Body Politic

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ethnic federalismThe Thugtatorship of the Tigrean Peoples Liberation (T-TPLF) adopted its fabricated constitution for Ethiopia on December 8, 1994.
The Preamble to that constitution declares, “We the Nations, Nationalities and People of Ethiopia…” have written the constitution to 1) “secure the right to self-determination” for “people of the nations and nationalities”, 2) ensure the territorial insularity (separateness) of the “people of the nations and nationalities” so that they can “live with our rich and proud cultural legacies” 3) “rectify historically unjust relationships”, and  4) facilitate “liv[ing] as one economic community”.
In contrast, the American Constitution in its Preamble declares, “We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.”
The T-TPLF constitution is designed to create a perpetual disunion, among the Ethiopian people by dividing and corralling them like cattle into insular “nations and nationalities”. By segregating the people of Ethiopia into communal, linguistic, cultural and regional groups, the T-TPLF put a constitutional scheme in place that would permanently and irreversibly destroy the social glue of tolerance, harmony and understanding that has kept them united as a people for millennia.
The T-TPLF constitution is designed to destroy the very idea of one Ethiopian nation, one Ethiopian people. It is founded on the quintessential doctrine that there is no “Ethiopian Nation”. There is no “Ethiopian People.” There is no “Ethiopian culture”. There is no “Ethiopian history.” There is no “Ethiopian national identity.” There is no "Ethiopian flag” as a symbol of national identity. There is no “Ethiopian Dream”. There is no Ethiopia! There is only a collection of “nations and nationalities”,  trapped in an arbitrary geographic territory known to international law as “Ethiopia”, just waiting, yearning and itching to breakup into tribal chieftaincies and principalities.  There is only a make believe confederation of “nations and nationalities” in a mythical land called “Ethiopia”.
The American Constitution aspired to forge the people of the 13 colonies-cum-states into one “people of the United States” and make them one people, one nation.  The American Constitution was designed to bring together in a single national political entity the “People” of the 13 states and provide them a road map to “form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to [them]selves and [their] posterity.” The “united states” of America” started out very disunited following their war of independence from British colonial rule. They had major historical grievances against their former British colonial masters. Their historical grievances became the glue that held them together and compelled them to draft their very first constitution, the Articles of Confederation. They ended up creating a toothless national government believing that their newly-created national government would perpetuate the historical grievances of their colonial masters. In 1787, they resolved to form the “United States of America” so that they could address their historical grievances once and for all.
The T-TPLF constitution self-proclaims to be a weapon for “rectifying historical injustices”. It arms the  “nations and nationalities” with the nuclear option of “self-determination” for the “rectification” of  perceived historical injustices. The “nations and nationalities” are each given the switch box for their own nuclear weapon of mass destruction and literally blow up themselves and the entire country into smithereens.
The T-TPLF constitution aims to create “one economic community”, NOT one political community. The diesel engine of that “economic community” is the T-TPLF-owned “Endowment Fund for the Rehabilitation of Tigray” (EFFORT) which “accounts for roughly half of the country’s modern economy.” According to EFFORT’s former chairman, “EFFORT companies receive preferential access to limited credit and/or foreign exchange stocks, or treatment on government bids and contracts, customs clearance import/export license.”
The American Constitution aims to create a “more perfect” political union, NOT an economic union. The political union in the American Constitution is designed to “secure the blessings of liberty”.  Economic union and the attainment of the “unalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness” (property) are inevitable if there is a “more perfect” political union.   
The T-TPLF constitution is the ultimate blueprint for the eventual breakup and disintegration of Ethiopia. It is a constitution that sows the seeds of national destruction, uses ethnic hate to water it, germinates it in dark underground vaults of oppression and aims to harvest it in ethnic civil war and communal strife. The T-TPLF constitution is a backward looking apocalyptic document which guarantees the disintegration and implosion of the country by ensuring a final MAD (mutually assured destruction) Armageddon to resolve artificially-inflamed historically unjust relationships.
The U.S. Constitution was designed not only for those who drafted and ratified it, but also for “posterity”, the generations to come. It is true that imperfect Constitution turned a blind eye to slavery. It denied the right to vote based on race, skin color and gender. Yet 228 years after it was drafted, it remains the rock-solid political foundation for the UNITED States of America. William Gladstone who served as British Prime Minister on four separate occasions in the 19th Century observed, “As the British Constitution is the most subtle organism which has proceeded from the womb and the long gestation of progressive history, so the American Constitution is, so far as I can see, the most wonderful work ever struck off at a given time by the brain and purpose of man.”
“Ethiopia, A Failed State Documentary”
Recently, a 54-minute video “Ethiopia, A Failed State Documentary” was released on Youtube. The documentary presents evidence and analysis few Ethiopians would dare discuss openly because of the sheer nightmarish nature of the issues raised.  The extraordinary documentary grabs by the tusk the biggest elephant in the room: The disintegration of Ethiopia from festering ethnic hatred, corruption and political repression of the T-TPLF.
The documentary aims to answer the question of what will happen when (not if, if present trends continue) Ethiopia is swallowed into the black hole of failed African states. The answer it provides is  spine-chilling.  Ethiopia will disintegrate and descend into an Armageddon of civil war and strife ultimately emerging as a “hub of terrorism” just like its neighbor Somalia.
The evidence presented and reviewed in the documentary are compelling and multifaceted. The documentary shows Ethiopia is doomed to be a classic African failed state because of the repression, corruption and bad governance of the Tigrean Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF). The documentary presents compelling and shocking evidence on the “genocide”, “ethnic cleansing” and other crimes against humanity committed against the “Amhara, Gambella and Oromo people” by the T-TPLF. It shows how billions of Western aid dollars have been laundered through the TPLF’s “Endowment Fund for the Rehabilitation of Tigray, the biggest corporation in Ethiopia in terms of revenue and assets” and deposited “in offshore bank accounts in the names of children of TPLF politicians.”  
The documentary shows how the TPLF has used its “bogus terrorism act” to justify its imprisonment, harassment and jailing of opposition leaders, journalists, bloggers and dissidents. It shows how the TPLF has meddled in religion by politicizing the Ethiopian Orthodox Church and flagrantly violating canon law and other practices of that Church and persecuting clergy opposing political interference. It shows how the TPLF has sought to incite strife between Christians and Muslims and interfered in the religious affairs of Muslims in Ethiopia. It shows how the TPLF has sold the country’s best land to fly-by-night land-grabbers for pennies displacing hundreds of thousands of poor villagers with money obtained from the World Bank, the British Government and others.  Last week, the World Bank announced that it has failed to follow its own rules for protecting the poor people in Ethiopia swept aside by dams, roads and other big projects it bankrolls. The week before the British Government announced it “will no longer back $4.9bn project that critics claim has funded a brutal resettlement programme” in Ethiopia. 
The documentary shows how the TPLF has subverted the legal system and made it a kangaroo (monkey) court system selling justice to the highest bidder and the most politically connected. It shows how TPLF persecution has resulted in the creation of large refugee populations and a source of cheap slave labor in the Middle East. It shows  how the TPLF has managed to dominate the military and intelligence sectors by controlling 95 percent of top leadership positions.
The documentary issues a massive indictment of U.S. policy in Ethiopia and argues that if the U.S., as the principal bankroller of the TPLF regime, does not take action to reverse the situation forthwith, it will have the blood of hundreds of thousands of people on its hands. The documentary concludes:
Ethiopia is at a crossroad and the future of the country is ever looking bleak. We are heading to a fully-fledged failed state resembling that of Somalia, Syria and Iraq. This is because the tension and conflict within Ethiopia have reached a boiling point where a simple spark could instigate chaos. Conflict and tension revolving around ethnicity, religion and politics are very high. This is because the TPLF since its inception has made sure to destroy the very fabric of Ethiopian society which was based on religious and ethnic tolerance and understanding… This has eroded to the point where it is now non-existent. The present Ethiopia is rife with hate, rhetoric and ideology… The TPLF’s ethnocracy is reminiscent of Rwanda and Yugoslavia which ended in genocide and civil war…
Suffice it to say that if the time ever came for a prosecution of the T-TPLF leaders in an international or domestic tribunal, this powerful documentary will be the centerpiece of the prosecution’s opening argument.
Ethiopia the powder keg? 
President John Kennedy warned, “Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.” There is no question the T-TPLF leaders know the truth of Kennedy’s observation.
I believe the T-TPLF leaders know with absolute certainty that they are sitting on a powder keg.  As I have written previously, the T-TPLF has built its castles in the sand. The only question is whether those castles will be swept up by a tidal wave of  deep public discontent or blown away by the tornadic wind of the people’s fury. In either case, the T-TPLF will be vacuumed and deposited in the dust bin of history.
There is an immutable iron law of history the T-TPLF should know if they don’t know it already.  Mahatma Gandhi articulated that law.  “There have been tyrants and murderers and for a time they seem invincible but in the end, they always fall - think of it, always.”
The rogue’s gallery of fallen tyrants in our lifetime includes Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, Muammar Gaddafi, Hosni Mubarak, Blaise Compaoré, Saddam Hussein, Pol Pot, Milton Obote, Idi Amin, Mengistu Hailemariam, Meles Zenawi, Mobutu Sese Seko, Sekou Toure, Kamuzu Banda, Siad Barre, Agosto Pinochet, Nicolae Ceausescu, Slobodan Milosevic, Jean-Claude Duvalier, Ferdinand Marcos, Fulgencio Batista, Anastasio Somoza, Antonio Salazar, Alfredo Stroessner  and so many more. Is the T-TPLF an exception to the iron law of history?
My greatest concern is what will happen to Ethiopia (or should I say “nation and nationalities”) when the T-TPLF is consigned to the dustbin of history. 
Reading the tea leaves
“Making predictions is hard. Especially about the future”, said the famous American baseball player, Lawrence “Yogi” Berra facetiously. Likewise, making predictions about Ethiopia is hard. Especially about the future. Looking in the rear view mirror does not make one a soothsayer nor a doomsayer. Perhaps it makes one a tea leaf reader. I have read the “leaves” in the leaves of many reports, studies, public statements, analyses, commentaries and other sources to make some logical inferences about the T-TPLF’s ENDGAME.
I believe the T-TPLF is in its endgame after a quarter of a century in power. The evidence for my conclusion is as follows.
The passing of Meles Zenawi dealt a devastating psychological blow to the T-TPLF leadership and its network of cronies, clients and supporters. Meles was the brains and the brawns of the T-TPLF operation. He was their thinker and their enforcer. He was the supreme captain of the T-TPLF Ship of State. That ship today is rudderless and compass-less and captained by a bunch of faceless and nameless deck hands who pine for their lost leader possibly reciting lines from Walt Whitman’s verse:  “O Captain! my Captain! our fearful trip is done, /The ship has weather’d every rack, the prize we sought is won,/”.
The question is how long the T-TPLF can keep the prize it won and cherished for nearly a quarter of a century and its ship afloat on a turbulent sea of popular anger, resentment, outrage and hatred.
I see the tale-tale signs of  confusion among the T-TPLF leadership, decay in its organizational and support structures and systems and rapid decline in its ability and capacity to withstand even the minimum amount of external pressure.
It is manifest to me that the top T-TPLF leadership today is tired, dog tired, of being in power and living in constant fear and loathing of the vast majority of the population. They are all aging and have squirreled away nice nest eggs in foreign banks. They want the chance to ride into the sunset and simply enjoy the millions they have stolen in peace. There is only one problem. As I have previously explained in detail, the T-TPLF has been riding the Ethiopian tiger for nearly a quarter of a century and will dare not dismount. When it does, the T-TPLF will be looking at the ravenous eyes, sharpened teeth, sinewy  claws and pointy nails of one big angry hungry tiger!
The T-TPLF puts on a strong public face to cover up its decay and decline. They stage events to project stability, strength and dominance. They do their anniversary celebrations and proclaim their elections. They hire public relations firms to peddle stories to rebuild their tattered global image as gross human rights violators. Just in the past week, they have managed to put stories with the Voice of America English program for “positive imaging”. The Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for African Affairs at the White House showed up last week at the “Embassy of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia”.  They have teamed up with the “Africa Society of the National Summit on Africa”  which describes itself as “the premiere entity that engages and educates Americans about the countries comprising the continent of Africa” to, I guess, educate Americans about their impeccable human rights record?! They even managed to sneak in a piece in the N.Y. Times which claimed “ Ethiopia, long mired in poverty, rides an economic boom.” They have put out a story claiming they have “reached a full agreement” on the “Nile Dam” with Sudan and Egypt. They managed to get CNN to write up a story about Ethiopia’s $5bn project that could turn it into Africa's water powerhouse.  

Nothing gets my goat and insults my intelligence more than the T-TPLF’s totally bogus claim that  it has managed to achieve an “average 10.7% economic growth rate over the last 10 years, more than double the annual average of countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, which was around 5.2%.” They even got the odious World Bank to trumpet the bogus claim on their behalf. I take great pride in demonstrating beyond a shadow of doubt that the T-TPLF economic figures are completely fabricated, concocted and dreamt up in the statistics office of the T-TPLF. I just cannot imagine how they have convinced themselves into believing that any reasonably well-informed person could believe such stratospheric economic growth when the economy is in the chokehold of one oligarchic “corporation”, the “Endowment Fund for the Rehabilitation of Tigray”.
It’s all good; but it is also all political theatre calculated to conceal, cloak and obscure the manifest decay and decline of the T-TPLF. I can understand why they would want to reinvent themselves as a kinder and gentler version of their previous selves. But I don’t believe they are fooling anyone except themselves if they think they can gloss over and cover up their hideous human rights record by a public relations campaign. Henry L. Mencken, the “Sage of Baltimore”, once observed, “No one ever went broke underestimating the intelligence of the American people.” The T-TPLF leaders probably think the same way about the Ethiopian people.
In spite of the global public relations efforts to clean up its image, the T-TPLF is a spent organization. No one knows this better than the decrepit leadership of the T-TPLF. It has been unraveling since the death of Meles. They tried to shore up their organization and maintain a public image of collective leadership and internal unity byappointing a bumbling sanitary engineer as prime minster. Hailemariam Desalegn has done nothing to clean up the trash of corruption piled up in the T-TPLF. Of course, he can’t. He was put there to serve as a seat warmer until the T-TPLF bosses straightened out their house and installed their new capo di tutti capi  (boss of all bosses).
The T-PLF leaders know they are playing their end game. They know their game can end at any moment. They go sleepless trying to figure out whether their end game will end in a single massive popular explosion or a slow and gradual internal implosion within their own organization.
The tell-tale evidence of the endgame is plain to see.
Over the past couple of years, the T-TPLF has intensified its political repression. It has completely crushed the media. Independent newspapers have been shuttered and scores of journalists jailed and exiled. Opposition leaders are harassed, detained and persecuted. Dissidents and youthful bloggers have been jailed and charged with treason for expressing their views on social media. Would a regime that is confident in its legitimacy and self-assured in its popular acceptance and support undertake such extreme measures to deal with its opponents and critics?
The T-TPLF leaders, their cronies, clients and supporters are getting their money out and depositing it in foreign banks, buying businesses and property in the United States and elsewhere. Some even openly talk about their plans to hop and split town on the first signs of trouble. They have stashed enough money to last them for the rest of their lives, their children’s lives and their grandchildren's as well. How did this happen? Global Financial Integrity reports, “The people of Ethiopia are being bled dry. No matter how hard they try to fight their way out of absolute destitution and poverty, they will be swimming upstream against the current of illicit capital leakage.” The T-TPLF shows absolutely no confidence in its political future in Ethiopia. Period! Would a regime that is that is confident in its legitimacy and self-assured in its popular acceptance and support move out billions of dollars out of the country for use and investment in the U.S., Europe and China?
The internal structure of the T-TPLF is weak and the leadership’s control over party, military and bureaucratic institutions is at best extremely shaky. Nearly every bureaucratic institution is controlled by T-TPLF members, cronies or supporters. They have tried to make apparatchiks out of the legions of bureaucratic functionaries, but those functionaries are there to earn a living not to serve the T-TPLF.  The economy is totally dominated by family members and friends of the T-TPLF leadership. As the T-TPLF aristocracy swagger in town with fistfuls of cash and roll in town in their expensive SUVs and other luxury cars, they know the people have their tiger-eyes fixed on them. “Ride on! We’re watching,” think they. The top and middle leadership of the military consists of T-TPLF members and supporters. The rank and file are not T-TPLF members; they are in the military to earn a living. The fact of the matter is that whatever support the T-TPLF has convinced itself it has in the broader society, at best such support is skin deep. Would a regime that is that is confident in its legitimacy and self-assured in its popular acceptance and support so totally dominate the bureaucracy, military and economy?
The vitality of the T-TPLF, if it ever had one, has been sapped by a massive system of corruption it had erected, and which now has penetrated into every nook and cranny of Ethiopian (should I say “nation and nationalities”) society, culture, political, religious, bureaucratic and military institutions. They have used their single party system to build a vast empire of corruption that thrives on patron-client networks without any public accountability and transparency and in complete disregard of the rule of law. The T-TPLF knows that it cannot continue to operate its corrupt empire for much longer. Recent history shows that the social upheavals and political uprisings were driven by outrage over corruption and abuse of power. Few regimes in modern African history have been more corrupted by power than the T-TPLF.  For almost a quarter of a century, the T-TPLF has held absolute power and it has been corrupted absolutely by its exercise of absolute power. Would a regime that is that is confident in its legitimacy and self-assured in its popular acceptance and support be corrupt with such reckless abandon?
 The T-TPLF has set May 24 as its election day.  In 2010, Meles bulldozed, bribed, bullied and terrorized his way to a 99.6 percent election “victory” . He (mis)used foreign humanitarian and economic aid to buy and extort votes from the rural population. He provided make-work jobs to buy the loyalty of the youth. He (mis)used state resources to mobilize support for his party. He organized a massive surveillance programs and used a network of spies and informants to identify and neutralize his opposition. Meles and the T-TPLF “won”. Is there any question whatsoever that the T-TPLF will “win” the May 2015 election by at least 99.6 percent? Would a regime that is going to win an election by at least 99.6 percent lack so much confidence in itself that it has to harass and jail its opponents, crush the press and imprison teenagers and twenty-somethings on “terrorism” charges just because they blogged on social media? 
The TPLF knows it is sitting on a powder keg. Its leaders, inebriated by hubris and arrogance, are blinded to the fact that the ethnic fires they stoked for nearly a quarter of a century will one day consume them if they do not change their ways. The hate, fear and loathing they have nurtured and unleashed for so long will one day turn against them. If they believe they can go on forever clinging to power by pitting one ethnic group against another, one religion against another, they are badly mistaken. They may be able to fool all of the ethnic groups some of the time and some of the ethnic groups all of the time, but they can’t fool all of the ethnic groups all of the time. They may be able to fool all of the Christians… Muslims… some of the time, but they can’t fool all Christians and Muslims all of the time. 
Selma, Alabama and Ethiopia
Yesterday, March 7, 2015, President Barack Obama joined nearly 100 members of Congress in Selma, Alabama for the 50th anniversary of “Bloody Sunday”. Fifty years ago, hundreds of African Americans yearning to vote were clubbed, trampled, tear-gassed and manhandled by state police and hand selected vigilantes. President Barack Obama stood on that bridge and told the nation,  “What [the men and women who stood their ground in a violent confrontation with police at the Edmund Pettus Bridge] did here will reverberate through the ages, not because the change they won was preordained, not because their victory was complete, but because they proved that nonviolent change is possible; that love and hope can conquer hate.”
There are many Ethiopians who are asking if the T-TPLF is in its endgame and how much longer will it take for the T-TPLF endgame to end?
Fifty years ago, on March 7, 1965, Dr. Martin Luther King rhetorically asked and answered a similar question:
I know you are asking today, “How long will it take?” Somebody's asking, “How long will prejudice blind the visions of men, darken their understanding, and drive bright-eyed wisdom from her sacred throne?”  Somebody's asking, “When will wounded justice, lying prostrate on the streets of Selma and Birmingham and communities all over the South, be lifted from this dust of shame to reign supreme among the children of men?” Somebody's asking, “When will the radiant star of hope be plunged against the nocturnal bosom of this lonely night, plucked from weary souls with chains of fear and the manacles of death? How long will justice be crucified, and truth bear it?”
I come to say to you this afternoon, however difficult the moment, however frustrating the hour, it will not be long, because “truth crushed to earth will rise again.” How long? Not long,  because “no lie can live forever.” How long? Not long, because ‘you shall reap what you sow.’
I hope the T-TPLF will learn from the Selma experience. It is really true that “nonviolent change is possible; that love and hope can conquer hate.” The alternative is too frightening, too horrifying, too terrifying and too petrifying for me to contemplate: “YOU SHALL REAP WHAT YOU SOW!
To be continued…
http://open.salon.com/blog/almariam/2015/03/05/the_poison_of_ethnic_federalism_in_ethiopias_body_politic

Leenco Lata:- Electoral absolutism in Ethiopia



By Leenco Lata*
Passions are understandably rising as election time, once again, draws nearer and nearer in Ethiopia.
This should not come as a surprise since the heating up of raw passions routinely accompanies elections elsewhere as well. What is distinctly Ethiopian is the fact that absolutist choices are inevitably pitted against each other during the upcoming elections, as has happened in previous ones.
In Ethiopian elections, it is not right or wrong policy proposals that confront each other, but supposedly absolutely “virtuous” and absolutely “evil” ones. Perhaps the underlying cause of offering electoral choices in such a starkly polarizing manner is the mentality of the Ethiopian elite, shaped by a long history of living under a succession of absolutist regimes.
What is disheartening is the refusal of the surviving members of the generation, entering its twilight years, to draw an appropriate lesson from their own disastrous recent history. One recalls how, at the end of the imperial era, political choices confronting the country were posed in a similar stark manner with catastrophic consequences.
Rival leftist parties with ostensibly competing platforms, indistinguishable to outsiders, demonized each other, eventually culminating in each other’s physical liquidation. The military merely embraced this approach to settling political differences spearheaded by civilian leftist parties and brought it to conclusion by eliminating the rivals that pioneered it. The ultimate outcome of this tragic policy was the loss of tens of thousands of lives.
Are members of that generation intending to bequeath this disastrous approach to political competition to the upcoming generation? Their handling of electoral competition appears to attest to their determination to hand this disastrous “virtuous-versus-evil” approach to offering political choices to the new generation.
Electoral choices have been offered as being between defending the status quoor working to revive its antecedent in most previous and present round of general elections in Ethiopia. This confrontation between the political status quo and the status quo ante has many shortcomings, including drowning out the voices of those aspiring to realize the next breakthrough in refining both democracy and federalism.
The deeper cause for the confrontation between defending the political status quo and aspiring to revive the status quo ante ultimately boils down to disagreements regarding Ethiopia’s nationhood. The defenders of the politicalstatus quo envision Ethiopia as a “Nation of nations” while those aspiring to revive something similar to the status quo ante are absolutely convinced that it is composed of a single Amharic-speaking nation.
This disagreement regarding Ethiopia’s nationhood in turn translates into absolutist stands regarding democracy. Democracy being the rule of the “people,” whoever appropriates the right to define the “people” category would definitely have the upper hand. And this divergent definitions of the “people” category comes to the fore at every general elections in Ethiopia in an absolutist manner.
Those who envision Ethiopia as a single Amharic-speaking nation are absolutely convinced that a single Ethiopian “people” should be allowed to exercise its popular sovereignty by going to the polls every five years. And those who conceptualize Ethiopia as a “Nation of nations,” on the other hand, are similarly absolutely convinced that the Ethiopian “People is composed of numerous peoples.” For the political operatives in this sector, the exercise of popular sovereignty at the centre is the aggregation of the sovereignties of the various peoples constituting the Ethiopian People.
Elections clearly are not the appropriate mechanism for resolving these fundamental disagreements regarding Ethiopia’s nationhood and peoplehood. Forging a political order having the confidence of a significant sector of society is similarly not achievable at the polls. Forging such a consensus necessarily precedes and paves the way for the commencement of periodic elections.
Forging a democratic political order would fail as long as absolutist positions continue to confront each other, for democracy results from an impasse among competing elements of society, which requires hammering out a compromise. When a political order results from such a compromise, all contestants would have to learn to uneasily live with it because it does not perfectly match any sector’s favourite alternative.
Seeking and arriving at such a compromise democratic political order is possible only by subscribing to a couple of basic propositions. First, those seeking to preserve the status quo need to recognize that accepting some changes could serve such a purpose because the only thing unchangeable in human history is the inevitability of change. And second, those seeking change should similarly realize that preserving constructive aspects of the status quocould ease the process of bringing about change.
Hammering out such a compromise underpinning a democratic political order could succeed only through conducting protracted dispassionate debates by all stakeholders without resorting to the emotive posing of political choices. Here is where the obsession of Ethiopia’s political class with posing political choices in absolutist terms needs to be revised. All concerned could perhaps draw a lesson from the protracted and open debate that accompanied structuring the US as a successful federation.
In the meantime, the heated debate pitting those whose stand is the absolute defence of the status quo and those whose absolute aspiration is the revival of something akin to the status quo ante would likely continue. This binary configuration of debate, however, should not continue to drown out the voices of those wishing to work for the next breakthrough in refining both democracy and multinational federation. This is why it is necessary for those subscribing to this more responsible reformist position to make sure that their voices are heard.
——————
* Ob. Leenco Lata is the leader of the Oromo Democratic Front (ODF).
Source: Gadaa

http://ethioforum.org/leenco-lata-electoral-absolutism-in-ethiopia/

Eritrea: A friend or foe for a democratic change in Ethiopia? – Ethiomedia


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Must-listen: Addis Dimts Radio host Abebe Belew (L to R) with his panelists Ethiopian Patriots chair German-based Leul Qesqis, journalist Senai Gebremedhin of Australia and journalist Kinfu Assefa of The Netherlands.The panelists said trusting the Eritrean regime of President Isaias Afewerki for a democratic change in Ethiopia is, in one word, suicidal. They were speaking from their rich experiences related to a struggle based in Eritrea.

http://ethioforum.org/eritrea-a-friend-or-foe-for-a-democratic-change-in-ethiopia-ethiomedia/

Saturday, February 28, 2015

Amnesty International Annual Report Slams Ethiopia’s Rights Record



In its freshly released annual report, Amnesty International blasted Ethiopia for a broad range of human right issues, from serious restrictions of Freedom of expression to extrajudicial executions. BELOW is the full report.
Amnesty International Report 2014/15
Freedom of expression CONTINUED to be subject to serious restrictions. The government was hostile to suggestions of dissent, and often made pre-emptive arrests to prevent dissent from manifesting. Independent media publications were subject to further attack. Peaceful protesters, journalists, and members of opposition political parties were arbitrarily arrested. The Charities and Societies Proclamation continued to obstruct the work of human rights organizations. Arbitrary detention and torture and other ill-treatment were widespread, often used as part of a system for silencing actual or suspected dissent.
Background
Economic growth continued apace, along with significant foreign INVESTMENT including in the agriculture, construction and manufacturing sectors, large-scale development projects such as hydroelectric dam building and plantations, and widespread land-leasing, often to foreign companies.
The government used multiple channels and methods to enforce political control on the population, including politicizing access to job and education OPPORTUNITIES and development assistance, and high levels of physical and technological surveillance.
The politicization of the investigative branch of the police and of the judiciary meant that it was not possible to receive a fair hearing in politically motivated trials.
Federal and regional SECURITY services were responsible for violations throughout the country, including arbitrary arrests, the use of excessive force, torture  and extrajudicial executions. They operated with near-total impunity.
Armed opposition groups remained in several parts of the country or in neighbouring countries, although in most cases with small numbers of fighters and low levels of ACTIVITY.
Access to some parts of the Somali region CONTINUED to be severely restricted. There were continuing reports of serious violations of human rights, including arbitrary arrests and extrajudicial executions. There were also multiple allegations of the rape of women and girls by members of the security services.
Excessive use of force ‒ extrajudicial executions
In April and May, protests took place across Oromia region against a proposed “Integrated Master Plan” to expand the capital Addis Ababa into Oromia regional territory. The government said the plan would bring services to remote areas, but many Oromo people feared it would damage the interests of Oromo farmers and lead to large-scale displacement.
Security services, comprising federal police and military special forces, responded with excessive force, firing live ammunition at protesters in Ambo and Guder towns and Wallega and Madawalabu universities, resulting in the deaths of at least 30 people, including children. Hundreds of people were beaten by security service agents during and after the protests, including protesters, bystanders, and parents of protesters for failing to “control” their children, resulting in scores of injuries.
Thousands of people were arbitrarily arrested. Large numbers were detained without charge for several months, and some were held incommunicado. Hundreds were held in unofficial places of detention, including Senkele police training camp. Some detainees were transferred to Maikelawi federal police detention centre in Addis Ababa. Over 100 people CONTINUED to be detained in Kelem Wallega, Jimma and Ambo by security service agents after courts ordered their release on bail or unconditionally.
Many of those arrested were released after varying detention periods, between May and October, but others were denied bail, or remained in detention without charge. Others, including students and members of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) opposition political party, were prosecuted and convicted in rapid trials on various charges relating to the protests.
Freedom of expression, arbitrary arrests and detentions
2014 saw another onslaught on freedom of expression and suggestions of dissent, including further targeting of the independent media and arrests of opposition political party members and peaceful protesters. Several attempts by opposition political parties to stage demonstrations were obstructed by the authorities. The Anti-Terrorism Proclamation continued to be used to silence dissidents. Opposition party members were increasingly targeted ahead of the 2015 general election.
In late April, six bloggers of the Zone 9 collective and three independent journalists associated with the group were arrested in Addis Ababa, two days after the group announced the resumption of activities, which had been suspended due to significant harassment. For nearly three months, all nine were held in the underground section of Maikelawi, denied access to family members and other visitors, and with severely restricted access to lawyers.
In July, they were charged with terrorism offences, along with another Zone 9 member charged in their absence. The charge sheet cited among their alleged crimes the use of “Security in a Box” – a selection of open-source software and materials created to assist human rights defenders, particularly those working in repressive environments.
Six of the group said they were forced to sign confessions. Three complained in remand hearings that they had been tortured, but the court did not investigate their complaints. The trial continued at the end of 2014.
Early in 2014, a “study” conducted by the national Press Agency and Ethiopian News Agency and published in the government-run Addis Zemen newspaper targeted seven independent publications, alleging that they had printed several articles which “promoted terrorism”, denied economic growth, belittled the legacy of former Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, and committed other “transgressions”. In August, the government announced that it was bringing charges against several of the publications, causing over 20 journalists to flee the country. In October, the owners of three of the publications were sentenced in their absence to over three years’ imprisonment each for allegedly inciting the public to overthrow the government and publishing unfounded rumours.
The OFC opposition party reported that between 350 and 500 of its members were arrested between May and July, including party leadership. The arrests started in the context of the “Master Plan” protests, but continued for several months. Many of those arrested were detained arbitrarily and incommunicado. OFC members were among over 200 people arrested in Oromia in mid-September, and further party members were arrested in October.
On 8 July, Habtamu Ayalew and Daniel Shebeshi, of the Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) Party, and Yeshewas Asefa of the Semayawi Party were arrested in Addis Ababa. Abraha Desta of the Arena Tigray Party, and a lecturer at Mekele University, was arrested in Tigray, and was transferred to Addis Ababa. They were detained in Maikelawi and initially denied access to lawyers and family. In late October, they were charged under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation. Yeshewas Asefa complained in court that he had been tortured in detention.
The Semayawi Party reported numerous arrests of its members, including seven women arrested in March during a run to mark International Women’s Day in Addis Ababa, along with three men, also members of the party. They had been chanting slogans including “We need freedom! Free political prisoners!” They were released without charge after 10 days. In late April, 20 members of the party were arrested while promoting a demonstration in Addis Ababa. They were released after 11 days.
In early September, Befekadu Abebe and Getahun Beyene, party officials in Arba Minch city, were arrested along with three party members. Befekadu Abebe and Getahun Beyene were transferred to Maikelawi detention centre in Addis Ababa. In the initial stages of detention, they were reportedly denied access to lawyers and family members. In late October, party member Agbaw Setegn, was arrested in Gondar, and was also transferred to Maikelawi, and held incommunicado without access to lawyers or family.
On 27 October, editor Temesgen Desalegn was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment for “defamation” and “inciting the public through false rumours”, in the now-defunct publication Feteh, after a trial that had lasted more than two years. The publisher of Feteh was also convicted in their absence.
People were detained arbitrarily without charge for long periods in the initial stages, or throughout the duration, of their detention including numerous people arrested for peaceful opposition to the government or their imputed political opinion. Arbitrary detention took place in official and unofficial detention centres, including Maikelawi. Many detainees were held incommunicado, and many were denied access to lawyers and family members.
Numerous prisoners of conscience, imprisoned in previous years based solely on their peaceful exercise of their freedom of expression and opinion, including journalists and opposition political party members, remained in detention. These included some convicted in unfair trials, some whose trials continued, and some who continued to be detained without charge.
Access to detention centres for monitoring and documenting the treatment of detainees continued to be severely restricted.
Torture and other ill-treatment
Torture took place in local police stations, Maikelawi federal police station, federal and regional prisons and military camps.
Torture methods reported included: beating with sticks, rubber batons, gun butts and other objects; burning; tying in stress positions; electric shocks; and forced prolonged physical exercise. Some detention conditions amounted to torture, including detaining people underground without light, shackled and in prolonged solitary confinement.
Torture typically took place in the early stages of detention, in conjunction with the interrogation of the detainee. Torture was used to force detainees to confess, to sign incriminating evidence and to incriminate others. Those subjected to torture included prisoners of conscience, who were arrested for their perceived or actual expression of dissent.
Defendants in several trials complained in court that they were tortured or otherwise ill-treated in detention. The courts failed to order investigations into the complaints.
In several cases, prisoners of conscience were denied access to adequate medical care.
Oromia region
Ethnic Oromos CONTINUED to suffer many violations of human rights in efforts to suppress potential dissent in the region.
Large numbers of Oromo people CONTINUED to be arrested or remained in detention after arrests in previous years, based on their peaceful expression of dissent, or in numerous cases, based only on their suspected opposition to the government. Arrests were arbitrary, often made pre-emptively and without evidence of a crime. Many were detained without charge or trial, and large numbers were detained in unofficial places of detention, particularly in military camps throughout the region. There was no ACCOUNTABILITYfor enforced disappearances or extrajudicial executions during 2014 or in previous years.
In the aftermath of the “Master Plan” protests, increased levels of arrests of actual or suspected dissenters CONTINUED. Large numbers of arrests were reported, including several hundred in early October in Hurumu and Yayu Woredas districts in Illubabor province, of high-school students, farmers and other residents.
There were further reports of arrests of students asking about the fate of their classmates arrested during the “Master Plan” protests, demanding their release and justice for those killed, including 27 reported to have been arrested in Wallega University in late November.
Refugees and asylum-seekers
Forcible RETURNS
Ethiopian government agents were active in many countries, some of which cooperated with the Ethiopian authorities in forcibly returning people wanted by the government.
In January, two representatives of the rebel Ogaden National Liberation Front were abducted and forcibly returned to Ethiopia from Nairobi, Kenya. They were in Nairobi to participate in further peace talks between the group and the government.
On 23 June, UK national Andargachew Tsige, Secretary General of the outlawed Ginbot 7 movement, was rendered from Yemen to Ethiopia. On 8 July, a broadcast was aired on state-run ETV showing Tsige looking haggard and exhausted. By the end of the year, he was still detained incommunicado at an undisclosed location, with no access to lawyers or family. The UK government continued to be denied consular access, except for two meetings with the Ambassador, to one of which Andargachew Tsige was brought hooded, and they were not permitted to talk privately.
In March, former Gambella regional governor Okello Akway, who has Norwegian citizenship, was forcibly returned to Ethiopia from South Sudan. In June, he was charged with terrorism offences along with several other people, in CONNECTION with Gambella opposition movements in e

http://ethioforum.org/amnesty-international-annual-report-slams-ethiopias-rights-record/

ሰበር ዜና፣ የወያኔ ሰላይ ከሆላንድ ተባረረ!



ሂሩት መለሰ – ከሮተርዳም
ሮተርዳም፣ ጥቅምት 28 ቀን 2015 – በስደት ስሙ አለማየሁ ስንታየው በመባል የሚታወቀው የህወሃት ሰላይ ከኔዘርላንድስ ተባረረ። አለማየሁ ስንታየሁ ቋሚ ነዋሪ ከነበረበት ከኔዘርላንድስ እንዲባረር የተደረገው በዚያ የሚኖሩ ኢትዮጵያውያን በከፈቱበት የስለላ ክስ መሆኑም ታውቋል።
የሮተርዳም ከተማ ፍርድ ቤት በአለማየሁ ላይ የተመሰረተውን የስለላ ክስና ማስራጃ ለረጅም ጊዜ ሲመረምር ከቆየ በኋላ የግለሰቡ የመኖርያ ፈቃድ እና ቤት እንዲነጠቅ፣ የሆላንድን ምድርም በአስቸኳይ ለቆ እንዲወጣ ውሳኔ አስተላልፏል። ከሆላንድ የምመራ ቡድን እንደተረዳነው ከሆነ – የግለሰቡ ቤት ሲፈተሽ ወያኔ የሰጠው እውነተኛ መታወቂያ እና በርካታ የስለላ ሰነዶች ተገኝተውበታል። በእርዳታ ስም የተቋቋመለት ድርጅትም ተፈትሾ ማስረጃዎች እንደተገኙ ለማወቅ ተችሏል።
ይህ ሰው ትክክለኛ ስሙ ዘለቀ ፎላ ይባላል። በደርግ ጊዜ የኢትዮጵያ ሰራዊት አባል ሆኖ ለረጅም አመታት አገልግሏል። ወያኔ ስልጣን ሲቆጣጠር ለፖለቲካ ተሃድሶ አዋሳ ደቡብ ጦር ቅጥር ግቢ ተላከ። በተሃድሶ በነበረበት ጊዜ ቁጥራቸው ብዙ የሆኑ የሰራዊቱ አባላትን ለወያኔ በማጋለጥ ታማኝነቱን ሲያሳይ እንደነበር የዚህ ዜና ዘጋቢ እማኝ ነው። የበርካታ ኢትዮጵያውያን ደም በእጁ ያለው አለማየሁ ከተሃድሶው ከወጣ በኋላ እስራኤል ገደቡ (የፓልቶክ ስሙ ኢዛና) ከተባለ ወታደር ጋር በመሆን የሰላም ተጓዥ ነኝ ብሎ በመገናኛ ብዙሃን ሲታይ ነበር። አለማየሁ እና ኢዛና በየሃገሩ እየዞሩ ስለ አዲሱ ስርዓት መልካምነት ሲሰብኩ ከረሙ። ከዚያም አስመራ ድረስ ተልከው የሻእቢያውን መሪ ኢሳያስ አፈወርቂን በወታደሩ ስም ይቅርታ ጠይቀዋል።
አለማየሁ እና ኢዛና ለወያኔ በሰሩት ውለታ ሆላንድ ገብተው እንዲቀሩ ተደረገ። ይህም የተደረገበት ምክንያት በአውሮፓ የሚኖሩ ኢዮጵያውያንን ተቃዋሚ በመምሰልና በረቀቀ መንገድ እንዲያበጣብጡና እንዲሰልሉ ነው።
በሆላንድ ሃገር የፖለቲካ ጥገኝነት ጠይቆ ለወያኔ ቡድን የስለላ ስራ መስራት ወንጀል ነው። አለማየሁ የሆላንድ ዜግነት ቢኖረው ኖሮ ቅጣቱ የከፋ ይሆን እንደነበር ጉዳዩን እየተከታተሉ ያሉ የህግ ባለሙያዎች ተናግረዋል።
የአለማየሁ መባረር በተሰማ ግዜ በሮተርዳም ያሉ የህወሃት ደጋፊዎች የአቤቱታ ደብዳቤ በመጻፍ ፊርማ ማሰባሰብ ቢጀምሩም ሊሳካላቸው አልቻለም። የአቤቱታ ደብዳቤው ግለሰቡ እዚህ የተወለዱ ሁለት ለጆቹን እየመጣ እንዲጎበኝ ይፈቀድለት የሚል ነበር።
አለማየሁ ስንታየሁ ለአንዴና ለመጨረሻ ጊዜ ከሆላንድ ተባረረ። ኢዛና ግን አሁን የተቃዋሚ ጭንብሉን አውልቆ በግልጽ ወያኔ መሆኑን መናገር ጀምሯል። ኢዛና የሆላንድ ዜግነት ቢኖረውም በሆላንድ ሃገር ስራ ሰርቶ አያውቅም። የቀንና ማታ ስራው በፓልቶክ ላይ ነው። ባለፈው ወር ኢትዮጵያ የተጓዙ ዲያስፖራ ኢንቨስተሮችን እየመራ በቴሌቭዥን መግለጫ ሲሰጥ አይተነዋል። ይህ ትርኢት የወያኔ ኢንቨስተሮች በጨበጣ እንደሚንቀሳቀሱም ያሳየናል።
ስለ አለማየሁ ስንታየሁ የበለጠ ለማወቅ ይህችን ሊንክ ይጫኑ፡
http://ethioforum.org/amharic/%E1%88%B0%E1%89%A0%E1%88%AD-%E1%8B%9C%E1%8A%93%E1%8D%A3-%E1%8B%A8%E1%8B%88%E1%8B%AB%E1%8A%94-%E1%88%B0%E1%88%8B%E1%8B%AD-%E1%8A%A8%E1%88%86%E1%88%8B%E1%8A%95%E1%8B%B5-%E1%89%B0%E1%89%A3%E1%88%A8/